http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/services/Feed ${session.getAttribute("locale")} 5 http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:25444 This article examines German expellees (Vertriebene) as an interest group in domestic and enlarged European Union contexts. While their background and motivations may be unique, they have similarities to other non-party actors aiming to influence political and/or legal processes. German governments have made rhetorical and financial expressions of support but privileged foreign policy considerations over core expellee demands and sought to contain them as an internal issue. EU enlargement and accession by CEE states to its legal bases has been interpreted as opening new possibilities. A 'Europeanising' of 'justice' may have unintended implications for relations among European states and peoples. 2013-05-09T09:34:40.877Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:25447 20 page(s) 2013-05-09T09:34:37.439Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:25449 In central and eastern Europe, symbiosis between particular ethnic-cultural nations and territorial areas is understood as corresponding to a natural and moral order. European Union enlargement challenges this mindset by legally transforming 'national territory' into 'supranational' real property or even opening the possibility of restitution claims by 'foreigners'. In the Polish and Czech cases this is highly contentious, principally due to the prospect of Germans and/or Austrians obtaining land. Rather than representing prosaic exchange among neutral economic agents the issue is embroiled in a complex of political and emotive influences, with historical roots that run deeper than the communist era. Realisation of a common European legal order is accompanied and to some extent hindered by misgivings about a liberal space of free access, unrestricted capital movement and no discrimination on grounds of nationality. 2013-05-09T09:34:30.800Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:25451 26 page(s) 2013-05-09T09:34:19.463Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:22142 262 page(s) 2012-10-23T00:34:42.627Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:22200 A critical examination of the rise to power of eight men who led the Labor Council between 1946 and 2001. It provides a unique insight into the relationship between the Labor Council and the Labor Party and throws new light on the right-wing faction. Brothers is a controversial study of how these eight men maintained the predominance of the Right in the New South Wales labor movement. 2012-10-23T00:32:41.376Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:22201 194 page(s) 2012-10-23T00:32:35.519Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:18894 32 pages(s) 2012-10-04T01:37:24.621Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:20932 26 pages(s) 2012-09-26T12:56:42.313Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:21321 This article examines the gender pay gap among full-time managers in Australia over the period 2001 to 2008. Using decompositions I explore the issue of discrimination, as well as the roles played by labour force experience and parenting. The results show that female managers earned on average about 27 per cent less than their male counterparts and the decompositions suggest that somewhere between 65 and 90 per cent of this earnings gap cannot be explained by recourse to a large range of demographic and labour market variables. A major part of the earnings gap is simply due to women managers being female. In addition, the presence of dependent children worsens the earnings gap, while the financial returns to labour force experience diminish in the latter years among female managers rather than stabilising, as they do for male managers. Despite the characteristics of male and female managers being remarkably similar, their earnings are very different, suggesting that discrimination plays an important role in this outcome. The article uses eight waves of HILDA data to fit mixed-effects models which are then used for Blinder-Oaxaca decompositions. In addition, a recent simulated change approach, developed by Olsen and Walby in the UK, is also implemented using this Australian data. 2012-09-12T18:32:40.219Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:20111 16 page(s) 2012-06-25T23:24:04.904Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:19761 28 pages(s) 2012-06-14T08:07:53.309Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:19465 From the twelfth century onwards, medieval canon lawyers and, from the early fourteenth century, theologians and philosophers began to use ius to mean a right, and developed a theory of natural rights, the predecessor of modern theories of human rights. The main applications of this theory were in respect of property and government. 2012-05-30T09:53:44.465Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:19466 Medieval theologians took their concept of heresy mainly from the texts of Jerome and Augustine quoted in Gratian’s Decretum. Thomas Aquinas argued that anyone who pertinaciously denies even a minor item of church or Bible teaching falls into heresy. Ockham developed criteria for pertinacity and argued that a Christian, even if his or her opinions are actually in error, cannot be regarded as pertinacious simply for refusing to defer to the teaching of a pope. 2012-05-30T09:53:33.860Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:19488 Fifty years ago there was something of a consensus that Australian newspapers were more notable for their similarities than for their differences. Over the next decade or two this consensus broke down. Suddenly, media researchers were embracing two-tier, three-tier, even four-tier models of the press. This paper documents this change. It tracks the origin and application in Australia of ‘tabloid’ as an analytical construct in relation to the press. And it looks at claims about differences and similarities in the Australian press, over time, not by importing an essentialised idea of ‘real’ tabloids, but by reviewing evidence and argument about the style of newspapers, their content, and the social composition of their audiences. 2012-05-30T09:52:20.504Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:18716 The Australian Domestic Violence Clearinghouse (ADVCH) is conducting research that will help in the recognition of domestic violence as an industrial issue. The 'Domestic Violence Entitlements: Safe at Home: Safe at Work' project is funded by the Department of Employment and Workplace Relations. Robyn Dale from the ADVCH and the Union Research Centre on Organisation and Technology (URCOT) at RMIT presented the project's preliminary research findings at the 2011 NTEU women's conference. 2012-04-20T05:45:24.256Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:14185 Many portrayals of the European Union (EU) as an international actor are based on selective appraisals of its external activity or restraint. This article explores the concept of a pragmatic power EUrope. It considers pragmatism as an academic approach or philosophy, and as an attitude or method of political practice. It then aims to generate interaction between these understandings by applying them to important contemporary ‘partnerships’ for the EU: Russia and China. These examples reveal the EU as a composite rather than unified actor, with the pragmatism of individual components undermining a more influential collective power. 2012-04-19T07:53:39.137Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:17991 12 page(s) 2012-03-13T01:42:57.758Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:17634 14 page(s) 2012-02-17T21:27:21.193Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:17350 21 page(s) 2012-02-05T17:20:38.524Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4048 An ideology of liberation is a set of beliefs, value judgements and exhortations which provides a framework of justification of political action aiming at the liberation of an oppressed group from its oppressors. In order to control the oppressed, their oppressors use both random and targeted violence against them. In response to this violence, the oppressed are also justified in using violence in order to remove oppression. Within the liberation ideologies framework, terrorism against the oppressor group is thus primarily justified as an effective and ‘low cost’ instrument of the liberation of the oppressed. The paper explores the liberation ideologies’ normative justification of the use of terrorism and contrasts this type of justification with that of universal humanism which asserts that each human life is of equal and supreme value. 2012-01-17T02:59:19.192Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16883 This paper explores the relationship between religion and history in the writings of R.G. Collingwood, Michael Oakeshott, and Clement C. J. Webb. Focussing principally on the early work of Collingwood and of Oakeshott and the later work of Webb, the paper shows that for all three philosophers the development of historical understanding in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries had important religious implications. While many of their British Idealist predecessors and contemporaries had responded to the 'higher criticism' of the Bible by constructing speculative philosophies of history, Collingwood, Oakeshott and Webb understood history to be a genuine form of understanding that could not be so easily translated into other terms. Where Collingwood and Webb sought to integrate history with other expressions of mind, Oakeshott insisted on separating the various 'modes of experience'. The effect of this is to insulate religion from historical criticism but also, from the perspective of Collingwood and Webb, potentially undermine it by isolating it from ultimate truth. 2012-01-13T05:51:19.051Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4340 The causes of the disintegration of Yugoslavia have been, since the early 199Os, a topic of lively scholarly (and not so scholarly) debate which, at times, appears to concern the question of who is to blame for it. For the present purposes there is no need to engage in this debate. There is little doubt that the policies and actions of the communist leaders of Serbia contributed to the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFR) [Socijalisticka Federativna Republika Jugoslavija (SFRJ)]. This essay attempts only to identify these policies and actions in the context in which they took place without attempting to rank them as over-all causal factors of the disintegration. State disintegration involves the loss of political power and, finally, of legal jurisdiction of the central state organs over the territory of a state. In SFR Yugoslavia, this process took place under the following three sets of conditions: 1. An economic crisis triggered by the inability of the Yugoslav federal government to control borrowing from foreign lenders and to repay debts to them on time. 2. A continuing disagreement within the Yugoslav communist political elite concerning the constitutional division of power and competences between federal, republic and provincial levels of government. 3. A related political crisis resulting from unsuccessful attempts to suppress a clandestine movement among Kosovo Albanians demanding the secession of the province of Kosovo [Kosove] from Serbia. This essay offers only a crude outline of various policy prescriptions and their implementation by the Serbian political elite which, under these three sets of conditions. 2012-01-11T02:07:42.659Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3560 Engaging with a range of interconnected and highly topical issues of identity, self-determination and secession, this book examines the import and implications of 'identity claims', and looks into 'identity politics' motivated by such claims, which is becoming ever more salient in democratic and culturally and ethnically heterogeneous states. It discusses nationalism as an important component of identity of individuals and groups, and a position that generates claims of self-determination and secession on the part of ethnic and cultural groups. It also examines patriotism, which until recently seemed to be on the wane, but has undergone a dramatic revival after the terrorist attacks in the US on 11 September 2001 and the start of a global 'war on terror'. The book offers a typology of facets of patriotism, an assessment of its moral standing, and a critique of the beliefs about the patria it characteristically involves. Also discussed are topics such as political liberalism vs. 'identity liberalism', the ways a liberal society should treat nonliberal communities within it, the role of heritage and remembrance in national identity, the status of national minorities as an issue of equality, arrangements concerning indigenous peoples and intrastate autonomy as an alternative to secession, and whether secession can be a legal act. The book includes contributions by prominent philosophers and political and legal theorists from Australia, Canada, Israel, and the United States. 2012-01-11T02:05:43.071Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16772 15 pages(s) 2012-01-10T00:10:54.756Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16773 14 pages(s) 2012-01-10T00:10:49.887Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16779 10 pages(s) 2012-01-10T00:10:38.285Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16775 4 pages(s) 2012-01-09T03:20:08.919Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16747 Preface -- Introduction: what is secession? / Aleksandar Pavkovic and Peter Radan -- Map of secessions and secessionist movements -- Secession: principal aspects -- Secessions: past and present -- Secession in context -- Secession: legal perspectives -- Secession: normative approaches -- Secessions and secessionist movements in the world. 2012-01-08T21:30:20.474Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16155 This article makes the case that politics, understood as a particular kind of public action, presupposes a notion of time marked by the three temporal states of past, present, and future. Political deliberation and judgment are future-oriented activities that, more or less explicitly, draw on the past for guidance. Aristotle's discussion of deliberative rhetoric in the Art of Rhetoric, which recognizes the inherent contingency of political decision making, is the classic treatment of the topic and is given some attention. Throughout western political theory this view of politics has been contested, most notably by figures such as Plato and Marx, whose respective attempts to transcend the contingency and unpredictability of politics, it will be argued, is connected to the endeavour to overcome the imperfections and conflicts bound up with the temporal order itself. Finally, the article examines two modern expressions of the desire to transcend politics in a timeless world of pure model building or universal morality. The first of these can be found in much contemporary neo-classical economic theory, and the second in the a-political politics of the international human rights movement. © 2011 The Author. Australian Journal of Politics and History. 2011-12-21T00:07:01.578Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16183 While public policy is about shaping the future, it must at the same time be understood as a response to the past. Decision-makers in the present inevitably build on the accumulated policies of their predecessors. Much of this process is explained by path dependency, as policy options are shaped by the institutional structures and cultural expectations established by past policies. This explanation is incomplete, however, as it leaves unexamined the strategic, deliberate use of the past through the evaluation of previous policies, even years after implementation. As policy actors choose to revisit earlier policy decisions, policy successes can be reconstructed as failures. Indigenous policy is one area where "policy failure" has gained currency in Australia, as governments have critically re-examined past policies to justify new policy directions. The Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 provides a useful case study of multiple evaluations over time, revealing contingency and continuity in the repeated evaluations of the role of the land councils. 2011-12-20T23:56:35.408Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16248 The Obama administration has elevated nuclear disarmament to the center of its nuclear agenda through the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START) with Russia and the release of the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). The administration also expects that its professed goal of "getting to zero" has symbolic value and will encourage reciprocity in terms of disarmament and nuclear arms control by other nuclear weapons states, as well as cooperation on measures to limit nuclear proliferation and the threat of nuclear terrorism. In the case of the two rising powers of Asia — China and India — it is highly questionable whether either of these expectations will be met. From China's perspective, New START is merely a first, tentative step toward global disarmament, while the NPR is disturbingly ambiguous on key issues and retains a worrisome emphasis on ballistic missile defense. In the case of India, any decision to reciprocate on disarmament and arms control will be more strongly influenced by concerns about China than by any ideological commitment to a nuclear- free world or developments in Washington's nuclear posture. Washington's emphasis on disarmament could provide both states, especially China, with a pretext for limiting their cooperation on U.S. nonproliferation goals that are more important and achievable. Because of that risk, the United States should be cautious about dissipating its advantages in the nuclear arena without getting significant concessions in return. 2011-12-09T21:17:22.433Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16212 30 pages(s) 2011-12-02T15:13:17.951Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16186 2 page(s) 2011-11-30T04:50:26.846Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16191 Recursive secessions are attempts at secession from a seceding state (or a state emerging from a secession). This article compares attempts at recursive secession of the Serb Krajina from Croatia and of Abkhazia from Georgia and the use of force and violence in these two attempts at recursive secession. While remarkable similarities are found in the political strategies of the secessionist leaders in these two cases, there are significant differences in the use of military force both by the secessionists and their host-state authorities. The difference may be explicable by the greater dependence of the Serb Krajina secessionist leadership on the military and logistic assistance of its protector state, Serbia. 2011-11-30T04:50:08.020Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16134 2011-11-29T08:02:32.755Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:16060 9 page(s) 2011-11-23T02:01:03.428Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:14374 15 page(s) 2011-08-09T12:03:43.070Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:13064 Machine derived contents note: Part I The New Agenda 1 -- 1 Introduction: A New Agenda for International Relations? 3 -- Stephanie Lawson -- -- 2 Ageing Agendas and Ambiguous Anomalies: -- Tensions and Contradictions of an Emergent Epoch 19 -- James N. Rosenau -- -- Part II New Issues 35 -- 3 Transnational Paranoia and International Relations: -- The Case of the 'West versus Islam' 37 -- Fred Halliday -- -- 4 Globalization and the Discourse of Women's Human Rights: -- Transgressing Boundaries in a Post-Cold War World 54 -- Jill Steans -- -- 5 Developing Inequality: A Global Fault-Line 71 -- Caroline Thomas -- -- 6 Taming Economics, Emboldening International Relations: -- The Theory and Practice of International Political Economy -- in an Era of Globalization 91 -- Richard Higgott -- -- -- -- -- 7 The Global Politics of the Environment 109 -- Lorraine Elliott -- -- 8 Meaning, Method and Practice: Assessing the -- Changing Security Agenda 128 -- K. M. Fierke -- -- Part III New Perspectives 145 -- 9 The Normative Framework of Post-Cold War -- International Relations 147 -- Chris Brown -- -- 10 Signs of a New Enlightenment? Concepts of -- Community and Humanity after the Cold War 164 -- Richard Devetak -- -- 11 Beyond Realism and its Critics: The Decline of -- Structural Neo-Realism and Opportunities for -- Constructive Engagement 184 -- Jack Donnelly -- -- 12 After the Fall: International Theory and the State 204 -- Stephanie Lawson. 2011-05-25T21:49:41.865Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:12152 2011-03-10T12:50:50.886Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:12084 17 page(s) 2011-03-07T01:40:29.491Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:12020 Australasian capitalism, and with it the New Zealand and Australian welfare states, has undergone fundamental restructuring since the early 1980s. Importantly, the impetus for restructuring was, in both cases, driven by Labour governments. Neo-liberal programmes of economic deregulation, corporatization and privatization, combined with transformations in labour relations and cuts to social welfare entitlement, characterized developments in both countries from the early 1980s into the 1990s. Viewed from afar, these changes are often presented as sharing an essential unity – being driven by the same imperatives, taking similar institutional forms, and having converging consequences. This is partially true, but it conceals important differences in restructuring between the two countries. Deploying a comparative method, this paper analyses the similarities and disjunctures in New Zealand’s and Australia’s experiences of transforming the welfare state. It suggests that the main differences in restructuring – a more gradualist, corporatist-inspired model in the case of Australia, and a more rapid shock-therapy, top-down model in the case of New Zealand – can be accounted for by differences in the starting point, differences in the institutional context of political decision-making, and differences in the balance of social, especially class, forces. 2011-03-02T01:30:06.508Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11916 29 page(s) 2011-02-23T07:50:59.638Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11714 There is no simple summation of the media's role in the rise to fame of Pauline Hanson, writes Murray Goot. 2011-02-09T13:10:54.530Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11715 Australians might oppose 'illegals', but they aren't necessarily against immigration, writes Murray Goot. 2011-02-09T13:10:50.216Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11703 2011-02-08T10:40:11.931Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11681 The history of the Australian newspaper industry. Celebrating 200 years of Australian newspapers. 2011-02-07T09:50:39.131Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11686 10 page(s) 2011-02-07T09:50:29.556Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11688 9 page(s) 2011-02-07T09:50:25.235Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11690 John Laws, Alan Jones and the new cash for comment controversy. 2011-02-07T09:50:19.661Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11653 2011-02-07T01:20:47.853Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11655 3 page(s) 2011-02-07T01:20:39.216Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11614 This paper does three things. First, it offers a critique of the academic literature on the One Nation vote, focusing on the limitations of the work of political geographers and the methodological shortcomings of survey researchers. Second, it re-examines data from the 1998 Australian Election Study in order to explore the demographic and attitudinal forces that both drove the One Nation vote and distinguished it from the votes secured by the Labor Party, the Liberal and National parties and the Australian Democrats; this highlights the importance of gender, geography and class, of political alienation and of attitudes to Aborigines and immigration. Third, it suggests that the basis of One Nation's mobilisation did not lie in concerns about economic insecurity so much as in opposition to ‘new class’ values, particularly around race. In doing so, it challenges common understandings of the Party's constituency and of its distinctiveness. 2011-02-04T05:22:08.730Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11634 2011-02-04T05:21:05.674Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11633 2011-02-04T05:21:04.399Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11584 While acknowledging that our study represents “a considerable advance on other studies of One Nation, its electoral support and social foundations“, and “correctly identifies the importance of conservative social attitudes of One Nation supporters“, Turnbull and Wilson take issue with three things: one of our key findings, based on the 1998 Australian Election Study (AES), that the vote for One Nation was driven by attitudes to immigration (among other things) rather than by a sense of economic insecurity; our argument around the fundamental difference between explaining the One Nation vote and distinguishing it from the vote secured by any of the other parties; and our refusal to cringe before the “comparative evidence about neo-populist parties“ or to defer to the superior wisdom of that political scientist extraordinaire, Australia’s present Prime Minister, John Howard.17 None of the points they make in relation to any of these things is even partly persuasive; for the most part, they are marred by errors of logic, fact, or interpretation. Each, however, is important - or potentially so. They merit, therefore, a response. 2011-02-02T05:30:40.571Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11585 Pollsters seeking to advise political parties, survey analysts seeking to inform academic research, and journalists seeking to convey the gist of poll results and other survey findings to their audiences need to summarise their data. One method that has proved attractive, especially in Australia, involves an inspection of the marginal frequencies in relation to a particular dependent variable (say, "the swinging voter"'), the identification of the modal response for selected independent variables (demographic, psychographic, or any other), and the listing of these 10 create an identity for the "typical" case. This paper describes such moves, analyses the fallacy involved, and traces its real world consequences. For the media, consequences may include not only a massive distortion of the information being reported but, in applying the methods to their own industry, an overly narrow understanding of the backgrounds of the journalists who report the news, and the caricaturing by management of their own target audience. 2011-02-02T05:30:37.918Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11512 Since it came to power over 40 years ago, Singapore's governing party is generally considered to have achieved not only remarkable economic growth, but also to have created a high degree of social and political stability in circumstances which seemed conducive to neither in the earlier stages of Singapore's development. These circumstances included an ethnically diverse population perceived as prone to violence and therefore a significant threat to the very survival of the nation. The article demonstrates that the government's approach to the management of ethnicity has resulted not only in the depoliticization of ethnicity, but the depoliticization of virtually all aspects of government. Thus Singapore does not have a 'political culture' so much as an 'apolitical culture' in which there is almost no legitimate space for political opposition. To accept this as a model for ethnic management is to endorse the notion that ethnic relations are not only inherently conflictual, but that they cannot be managed via more open, democratic methods of government. 2011-01-28T02:30:14.685Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11504 In the last two years, polled opinion on immigration has shifted; whereas earlier surveys indicated that most Australians thought the migrant intake too high. Surveys taken after the 1998 election and 1999 referendum point to a public which is more evenly divided. This paper sets out the evidence jar this shift and defends its validity: it points to possible reasons for the change; and it explores the relationship between policy-making and public opinion on immigration pursuing the implications for opponents of immigration who seek to base their case for lower population growth on opinion poll data. 2011-01-27T22:31:23.214Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11447 This book surveys a variety of issues relating to culture, identity and representation from an interdisciplinary perspective, with contributions from sociology, economics, history, politics, international relations, security studies, museum studies, translations studies and literary and cultural studies. Each brings a different perspective to bear on questions of culture and identity in the contemporary period and how these relate to the politics of representation. 2011-01-24T01:20:19.487Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11448 17 page(s) 2011-01-24T01:20:11.419Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11449 21 page(s) 2011-01-24T01:20:10.853Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11446 International Relations only emerged as a discipline in its own right in the early twentieth century as scholars and practitioners sought to study the causes of war and the conditions for peace in a more systematic and sustained way. The philosophical foundations of the discipline, however, draw on centuries of thinking about human nature, political authority and the relations between political communities. In this book, Stephanie Lawson adopts a broad historical and contextual approach to introduce students to the central themes and theoretical perspectives in the study of world politics. In particular, she examines the development of the discipline's central institution, the state, and explains the ways in which it has both shaped, and been shaped by, political norms. Lawson also looks at key issues in the contemporary world, including security and insecurity, global governance and world order and the impact of globalization on the state. 2011-01-23T23:30:06.068Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11393 3 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:58.253Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11394 3 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:56.564Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11396 3 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:52.795Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11398 2 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:49.098Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11403 11 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:38.098Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11404 21 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:36.880Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11405 3 page(s) 2011-01-20T23:40:32.489Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:11326 21 page(s) 2011-01-16T23:40:10.393Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:1319 This article illustrates some of the tensions between traditionalist conceptions of politics in the Pacific and the institutionalization of democracy, especially in relation to certain ideas about the place of 'consensus' in Pacific political contexts. It argues that although most Pacific leaders pay lip-service to the need for democracy and good governance, the mantra of consensus politics as the authentic expression of Pacific Way politics nonetheless continues to undermine their basic principles. 2011-01-13T05:30:31.110Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:10698 This paper builds on existing studies to expand understanding of the effects of unemployment on the foreign policies of countries around the world. It has often been proposed that political leaders may attempt to distract attention from domestic problems by provoking external conflict. Empirical tests have often focused on the association of high unemployment with belligerent, militarised foreign policy. The extant literature appears to share a common assumption that such diversionary foreign policy occurs only in large, powerful democracies. The purpose of this paper is to test these assumptions using the latest available data and appropriate statistical techniques. In particular, I test the effect of unemployment on interstate conflict and on levels of defence expenditure. I find that diversionary conflict is common to all states, and that democracies are actually less prone to such behaviour than non-democracies. 2010-11-24T11:30:31.101Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:10307 Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Politics and International Relations, 2003. 2010-10-27T05:00:33.677Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:9387 17 page(s) 2010-09-08T04:50:21.745Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8974 NaN page(s) 2010-07-21T12:10:22.558Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8959 NaN page(s) 2010-07-19T06:30:26.718Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8882 A collection of articles on Slobodan Jovanovic, a Serbian theorist and politician. 2010-07-08T12:40:14.496Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8727 Coursework. 2010-06-22T07:31:22.011Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8667 Scenario planning or futures studies have their origin in military planning, but have also been used with great success in the private sector, most notably in the energy Industry. UNAIOS and the South African financial services group Metropolitan each recently published a set of scenarios regarding the future impact of HIVIAIDS in Africa and South Africa, respectively. This article reviews the methodologies and outcomes of those two studies, and highlights the many lessons to be gleaned for HIV-related health planning and policy-making in general. This is the first time that a comparative study has been done on scenario planning that refers to HIV in particular, and the findings may inspire the conceptualisation of futures studies elsewhere. 2010-06-19T03:00:31.578Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:8404 2010-06-04T14:20:42.405Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:2504 2010-05-25T07:08:39.569Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3905 What is the nature of the relationship between our politicians and the great Australian media dynasties? Before Rupert there was Sir Keith and before Kerry, Sir Frank: along with Fairfax, the Murdochs and Packers have dominated the Australian media for more than half a century. But what part have they played in Australian politics? This book exposes for the first time the extraordinary relationships between our postwar political leaders and the great media proprietors. In "Party Games" Bridget Griffen-Foley takes us from the birth of the public relations industry and its triumphant reinvention of Robert Gordon Menzies to the Liberal implosion of the early seventies; from the king-making efforts of Frank Packer to Rupert Murdoch's contentious role in the dismissal. Describing the pivotal interventions of press barons and politicians in each other's business, she shows how politicians learnt to use the media while the media were learning to shape government. Most importantly, Party Games tells the story of how we came to live in a country where the interests of policy makers and commentators are so dangerously entangled. 2010-05-17T00:39:58.306Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4224 Secession is the creation of a new independent state out of an existing state. This key volume examines the political, social and legal processes of the practice of secession. Following an analysis of secessionist movements and their role in attempts at secession, eight case studies are explored to illustrate peaceful, violent, sequential and recursive secessions. This is followed by a look at the theoretical approaches and a discussion that focuses on the economic causes. Normative theories of secession are discussed as well as the status of secession in legal theory and practice. The book systematizes our present knowledge of secessions in an accessible way to readers not familiar with the phenomenon and its consequences. It is deal as a supplementary text to courses on contemporary political and social movements, applied ethics and political philosophy, international relations and international law, state sovereignty and state formation. 2010-05-14T07:16:51.103Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:1458 This chapter is concerned with the argument that the major parties have combined since the 1970s to make conditions for minor parties increasingly difficult. More particularly it is concerned with establishing whether the emergence of Pauline Hanson's One Nation can be understood as representing a revolt against all of this; a central correlate of the cartel model is that it should. To see whether the theory of the cartel illuminates the Hanson phenomenon the chapter considers both the extent to which the parties have behaved as a cartel, and the nature of the One Nation challenge, across each of the domains covered by Katz and Mair: ideological, electoral and organisational. It argues that the cartel thesis does not offer a persuasive account of the political conditions that gave rise to One Nation or of the hurdles the new party had to face. More generally, the chapter casts doubt on the validity of the thesis when applied to developments in the Australian party system. 2010-05-12T05:17:25.863Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:1124 This historically and theoretically informed study examines the career of the culture concept and related notions of context. Adopting an inter-disciplinary approach, and drawing on a wide range of sources, the book examines the influence of the disciplines of anthropology and history in the development of culture and context as key concepts in political studies and the human sciences more generally. Particular attention is paid to the way in which culture as context has been implicated in constructions of identity and political community, and how this has played out in debates about nationalism and democracy. The study also shows how certain assumptions about culture and context have contributed to some of the most problematic dichotomies in world politics, including the West/non-West divide. Moving beyond critique, the analysis shows how culture may be re-conceptualized in a theory of cosmopolitan pluralism that avoids the errors of both a dogmatic universalism and an equally dogmatic relativism in the study of world politics. 2010-05-11T06:35:27.058Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3291 An account of Australian public opinion about Aborigines, and the political uses of public opinion research. The authors portray the changes and continuities in Australians’ public opinion about indigenous Australians, including their claims for recognition and for social justice. 2010-05-11T06:31:23.654Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4983 This book presents and interpretation of Michael Oakeshott's philosophy by paying close attention to his reading of Hobbes. It offers and account of Oakeshott's political theory and examines the way in which it changes and develops - from a broadly Hegelian to a recognisably, if idiosyncratics, Hobbesian character. 2010-05-06T00:18:04.853Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3292 24 page(s) 2010-04-29T06:15:39.453Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:7885 25 page(s) 2010-04-22T06:30:13.528Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:7825 Recent developments in political studies have seen much greater attention paid to ideas about history, culture and associated notions of context. This reflects, at least in part, a dissatisfaction with positivism and modernist empiricism and an interest in alternative methodologies and epistemologies. As part of this general development, the language of non-traditional approaches to politics has become replete with the language of contextualism, emphasising specificity, particularity and contingency. There is certainly much to be welcomed in the turn away from an ahistorical, objectivist and materialist positivism towards more nuanced approaches. Contingency attends virtually every development in human affairs, making predictability a very inexact science. And facts simply do not speak for themselves. They are made to speak in different ways by different people located in varying positions of power and influence and with particular agendas or projects. Thus the notion that adequate explanations of political practices and actions can be obtained in the absence of a narrative account of the beliefs that sustain them is indeed difficult to defend. Even so, critiques of objectivist approaches which substitute specific historical and/or cultural contexts for universals may turn out simply to be using another method of objectification. Furthermore, far from providing a critique of domination, I argue that key aspects of the contextualist turn actually reinforce it. So while agreeing with the general point that attention to context, both historical and cultural, is essential to good political analysis, this article is nonetheless critical of key aspects of contextual approaches. In addition, it highlights certain difficulties in devising a general theory of context due to some important contradictions between cultural and historical versions of methodological contextualism which have so far gone unnoticed. 2010-04-20T12:00:44.414Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4039 Morris Morley's exploration of the Cuba-Latin America-United States triangle contrasts the region's sophisticated post-Cold War approach toward Cuba - based on the notion that a business-like relationship is not incompatible with disagreement and criticism - with the unyielding, hardline stance adopted by Washington. 2010-04-14T23:28:20.975Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3969 This chapter examines three versions of post-1980 Yugoslavism: federalist and integralist versions, both articulated in the late 1980s, and a regionalist version which appeared only after the collapse of the Yugoslav federation in 1992. 2010-04-14T05:43:31.729Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3293 52 page(s) 2010-04-14T05:40:08.177Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:6558 2010-04-14T05:33:25.939Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:5981 2010-04-14T05:30:55.022Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:3568 10 page(s) 2010-04-14T04:19:30.033Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4045 The Labor Party Split and the emergence of a substantial group of voters prepared to support a new party caught the managing director of Australia's Gallup Poll flat-footed: Roy Morgan's initial reaction was to treat the Split as if it did not exist. When he did decide to recognise it, on the eve of the 1955 federal election, he faced another problem: should those respondents who wanted to vote for the Australian Labor Party (Anti-Communist) be treated as part of the Labor vote (which was how Morgan handled those who intended to vote for the Communist Party), or should they be treated as anti-Labor voters who preferred to see Labor kept out of office - at least until Labor had freed itself of communist influence? This chapter looks at how the Gallup Poll came to register the Split. It examines the various attempts Morgan made to measure support for the new party. And it looks at how he reported his findings, at the various rules of interpretation he applied to them, as he struggled to predict how well the Democratic Labor Party (as it came to be known) would do, and at how he fudged the gap between what his polls suggested, what he published and what the election showed. 2010-04-14T03:27:54.158Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:7583 This article provides the first comparison of campaign coverage of candidates in an Australian federal election in the press, on radio and television, and on the Internet. It does so through analysis of a database that records the 50 most frequently cited candidates in news stories across all these media during the 2007 campaign. The analysis suggests: that although the news on the Internet placed less emphasis than television or radio on the idea of the election as a presidential contest, the Internet's emphasis on the Prime Minister compared with the Leader of the Opposition was greater; that, compared with the news provided by the older media, the Internet was more heavily skewed towards Government over Opposition candidates; and that the coverage afforded minor party and Independent candidates across all media was slight, with the Internet falling well below the coverage warranted on the basis of the candidates' share of the vote - a media, focusing more heavily on government candidates and less heavily on Labor candidates than warranted by this criterion. Far from re-ordering old hierarchies, the Internet news may have made the election a less even contest. 2010-03-26T15:50:26.707Z ]]> http://www.researchonline.mq.edu.au/vital/access/manager/Repository/mq:4239 When the Howard government was elected in 1996, immigration and multiculturalism were important issues. Net migration was at a highter level than at any other time in the 1990s and aspects of Labor's immigration policy, including its policy on family reunions, were generating vocal opposition. There were concerns, too, about some of the assumptions underlying Labor's policies on multiculturalism. The Liberal Party's promise to govern 'For all of us', as their campaign slogan put it, was interpreted by some as an implicit attempt, amongst other things, to mobilise these concerns; certainly some of Paul Keating's advisers wanted him to make multiculturalism 'less threatening' (Williams 1996, p. 173). In the Australian Election Study (AES), conducted shortly after the election, more respondents said the Coalition was closer to their position on immigration than said Labor; indeed, on none of the other issues canvassed in the survey was the Coalition's lead over Labor (25 percentage points) greater than it was on immigration (Goot 2004, p. 62). 2010-03-22T01:26:07.086Z ]]>